From “Defending Democracy from its Christian Enemies” by David P. Gushee
After World War I, antidemocratic right-wing movements strengthened, exploding in significance in the period lasting through World War II. Fascism emerged in Italy under Mussolini beginning in 1922, and Nazism, a form of fascism, took power in Germany in 1933 with Hitler. It must be noted that Hitler and the Nazis seized on a profound vulnerability of democracy – they used democratic elections to gain power, while fully intending to destroy democracy once in power. Unless there is a mechanism within a democracy for politicians demonstrating clear antidemocratic tendencies to be disqualified from standing for office, this vulnerability will always exist within democracy.
Looked at as a whole, the period from 1920 to 1945 marked a profound challenge to democracy both from the left and from the right. Of course, the fascists were finally routed during World War II, and their vicious crimes against humanity thoroughly discredited them. It appeared such right-wing ideologies were doomed to the dustbin of history after 1945. But history routined surprises us.
Democracy’s Short-Lived Triumph
A look at any of the major founding documents of the United Nations after World War II reveals profound articulation of democratic and human rights norms both with nations and between them, as in the structures of the United Nations itself, a kind of democracy of nations. Rule of law, constitutionalism, human rights, separation of powers, and so on – they were all there, however imperfectly.
The birth of the European Union (EU) also solidified democratic norms as central to European identity. Today, nations that want to join the EU must meet strict democratic norms, and members who appear to be backsliding in their democratic practices are criticized and can be sanctioned. This has made the EU one of the major advocates for democracy in the world today. (Criticisms of the way the EU understands and attempts to advance democracy will be considered later.)
The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, leaving the then relatively poor China as the only major Communist country, seemed to reinforce the victory of democracy as the world’s preferred political system. Its main opposition appeared to be radical Islamism, certainly not a broadly appealing political ideology.
Authoritarianism Makes a Comeback
Events since 2015, if not before, have now forced a reconsideration of this narrative of the victory of liberal democracy. While classic Communism does appear largely dead, authoritarian governments, ideologies, parties, and practices have surged, even in nations that appeared to have long consolidated democratic governments and cultures. This is the tendency that we are mainly considering in this book – the problem of democratic “backsliding” or “deconsolidation.” The primary term we will use to contrast with democracy is “authoritarianism.” Our concern is the deconsolidation of democracy into authoritarianism. Let us pause to consider the meaning of this key term.
Political authoritarianism is marked by the weakening or loss of popular sovereignty, the rejection or destruction of political pluralism, the entrenchment of a dominant individual or party at the center of political life, an end to genuinely free and fair elections, escalating attacks on political freedom and participation, and erosion of constitutionalism, the rule of law, civil liberties, and civil rights. Authoritarianism begins with attacks on the norms and traditions of democracy by visible political leaders, and ends with the centralization of power and the dissolution of the division of powers.